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Hong Kong still testing food imports for Fukushima’s radiation via Food Safety News


CFS is a unit of the Food and Environmental Hygiene Department of Hong Kong’s City government, which is part of China. The CFS continues to test those Japanese imports but hasn’t found any additional shipments with unsafe radiation levels.

And its not for lack of looking. Since one week before CFS found those hot white radishes, turnips and spinach samples, Hong Kong has tested 344,881 samples.

It breaks down this way: 19,420 vegetable samples; 19,338 fruit samples; 2,189 milk and milk beverage samples; 900 milk powder samples; 594 frozen confection samples; 54,468 aquatic product samples; 9,487 meat product smples; 31,744 drink samples, and 206,741 other samples including cereals and snacks.

The totals are through Aug. 22. CFS continues to test samples from Japanese imports, conducting testing around the clock five days a week.

Hong Kong’s continued surveillance for radioactivity is just one sign of how cautious Asia remains about the Fukushima meltdown. Japan has excluded people and crop production in a 310-square-mile zone around the nuclear plants. No deaths or cases of radiation sickness are attributed to the nuclear accident. And, perhaps due to the large exclusion zone, future cancers and deaths from potential exposures are projected to be low.

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration treats Fukushima with a periodically updated Import Alert that permits certain Japanese food imports to be detained without inspection.

“Districts may detain, without physical examination, the specified products from firms in the Fukushima, Aomori, Chiba, Gumna, Ibaraki, Iwate, Miyagi, Nagano, Niigata, Saitama Shizuoka, Tochigig, Yamagata and Yamanashi prefectures,” the July 18 Import Alert from FDA says.

Japanese imports from those areas that can still be detained at the U.S. border include:

  • Rice, Cultivated, Whole Grain;
  • Milk/Butter/Dried Milk Products;
  • Filled Milk/Imitation Milk Products;
  • Fish, N.E.C.;
  • Venus Clams;
  • Sea Urchin/Uni;
  • Certain Meat, Meat Products and Poultry, specifically(beef, boar, bear, deer, duck, hare and pheasant products;
  • Yuzu Fruit;
  • Kiwi Fruit;
  • Vegetables/Vegetable Products;
  •  Baby Formula Products; and
  • Milk based formulas.

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「45キロ」の逡巡 大分からみる伊方原発/5止 「地元」の外側の疑念 9市町議会が反対・慎重 /大分 via 毎日新聞

福島第1原発事故からちょうど5年にあたる今年3月11日、「ヒロシマ・ナガサキ」の被爆者を含む原告団が、四国電力伊方 原発の再稼働差し止めを求めて広島地裁に提訴した。「被爆者は、放射能の怖さを肌で知っている」。原告団長の堀江壮さん(75)=広島市佐伯区=は話す。


 核兵器廃絶を世界へ訴える一方、チェルノブイリ事故の後も「ソ連よりはるかに技術が進んでいる日本の原発は安全」という話を信じてきた堀江さんは「だま されたという思い。原爆投下で母、兄弟、自分もみんながんになった。放射性物質が出るところでは同じことが起きる」。約100キロ離れた被爆地から伊方に 疑いの目を注ぐ。


 従来、全国の各原発の稼働には、その原発を抱える当の市町村と、その市町村がある県の「地元同意」が必要とされてきた。だが、福島第1原発事故では福島 県以外の地域でも放射線量が上昇したため、「地元」以外の周辺自治体から、各原発の再稼働に反対の声が上がるようになった。

 ところが、「地元」の範囲は、事故の後も変わらなかった。大分県は避難計画作りを求められる30キロ圏内ですらなく、発言権はほとんどない。広瀬勝貞知 事は長年原発を推進してきた通産省(現・経済産業省)の元事務次官だが、県民の心配も考慮してか、伊方の再稼働には積極的な賛否を示してこなかった。



 一方、伊方原発の再稼働の流れができた昨年12月から現在までに、大分県の18市町村のうち半分の9市町の議会が、再稼働の中止や慎重に考えるように促 す意見書を可決した。他の6市町でも2012〜14年の間に、再稼働の再考などを求める意見書が出されている。杵築市議会の意見書は、愛媛から船で避難者 を受け入れる計画に対し、「大地震や津波などの複合災害時に、大分への受け入れは困難」と批判した。

 竹田市の首藤勝次市長は、昨年11月のブログでこう記している。「起きないはずの事故が起きた福島の事例をどう捉えているのか。(中略)『実績のある万 が一を無視して』、地域も未来も見捨ててしまうのか」。再稼働が現実になった今、大分の逡巡(しゅんじゅん)(ためらい)はさらに強くなっている。【田畠 広景】=おわり

全文は「45キロ」の逡巡 大分からみる伊方原発/5止 「地元」の外側の疑念 9市町議会が反対・慎重 /大分

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Nuclear accident in New Mexico ranks among the costliest in U.S. history via Los Angeles Times

When a drum containing radioactive waste blew up in an underground nuclear dump in New Mexico two years ago, the Energy Department rushed to quell concerns in the Carlsbad desert community and quickly reported progress on resuming operations.

The early federal statements gave no hint that the blast had caused massive long-term damage to the dump, a facility crucial to the nuclear weapons cleanup program that spans the nation, or that it would jeopardize the Energy Department’s credibility in dealing with the tricky problem of radioactive waste.

But the explosion ranks among the costliest nuclear accidents in U.S. history, according to a Times analysis. The long-term  cost of the mishap could top $2 billion, an amount roughly in the range of the cleanup after the 1979 partial meltdown at the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant in Pennsylvania.

The Feb. 14, 2014, accident is also complicating cleanup programs at about a dozen current and former nuclear weapons sites across the U.S. Thousands of tons of radioactive waste that were headed for the dump are backed up in Idaho, Washington, New Mexico and elsewhere, state officials said in interviews.

Washington state officials were recently forced to accept delays in moving the equivalent of 24,000 drums of nuclear waste from Hanford site to the New Mexico dump. The deal has further antagonized the relationship between the state and federal regulators.


Other states are no less insistent. The Energy Department has agreed to move the equivalent of nearly 200,000 drums from Idaho National Laboratory by 2018.

“Our expectation is that they will continue to meet the settlement agreement,” said Susan Burke, an oversight coordinator at the state’s Department of Environmental Quality.

The dump, officially known as the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant, was designed to place waste from nuclear weapons production since World War II into ancient salt beds, which engineers say will collapse around the waste and permanently seal it. The equivalent of 277,000 drums of radioactive waste is headed to the dump, according to federal documents.


The Hanford site stores the equivalent of 24,000 drums of waste that must be inspected every week. “You have to make sure nothing  leaks,” he said.

The cleanup of the Three Mile Island plant took 12 years and was estimated to cost $1 billion by 1993, or $1.7 billion adjusted for inflation today. The estimate did not include the cost of replacing the power the shut-down plant was no longer generating.

Other radioactive contamination at nuclear weapons sites is costing tens of billions of dollars to clean up, but it is generally the result of deliberate practices such as dumping radioactive waste into the ground.

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「物の怪」としてのゴジラ via Huffington Post


とはいえ、共通点として個人的に強く印象に残ったのは、ゴジラがもたらす圧倒的な「災厄」のイメージだ。初代ゴジラにも共通するが、それはそれぞれ の作品が作られた時代を反映している。最初の『ゴジラ』は1954年、つまり終戦から9年後に公開された。朝鮮戦争に伴う特需もあって急速に復興が進む中 だが、まだ戦争の記憶が鮮烈だったころだ。つまり、ゴジラがもたらす「災厄」はまぎれもなく戦争をイメージさせるものとなっている。作中で逃げ遅れた母子 の母親が子に向かって「もうすぐお父様のところへ行くのよ」と語りかけるシーンは多くの日本人が戦争中の空襲を思い出しただろうし、水爆実験により生まれ たとの設定は当時問題となっていたビキニ環礁での核実験を反映したものだ。ガイガーカウンターで放射能を測定するシーンは原爆の被害を思い出させただろ う。

今回の『シン・ゴジラ』公開は2016年、つまり2011年の東日本大震災から5年後にあたる。300万人が死に多くの都市が灰燼に帰 した戦争に比べれば、震災の被害は大きいとはいえないが、平穏な暮らしに慣れた現代の私たちに与えたインパクトは十二分に大きかったといえるだろう。ゴジ ラが呑川を遡上するシーンで見られた、ボートを押しのけて水が押し寄せるシーンは、震災時に数多く記録された、津波の記憶を鮮烈によみがえらせる。逃げ惑 う人々、避難所で過ごす人々、政府の対応のもたつきも記憶に新しいし、放射性物質拡散のようすを示した図は震災によって引き起こされた原発事故の際に私た ちが見たものとよく似ていた。

作り手の意図はともかく、両作品に共通して私が感じたのは、ゴジラの破壊神としての圧倒的な力が、観客の心の 反映でもあるのではないかということだ。それは戦争や大地震、原水爆や原発事故のような、大きな被害や衝撃を与えた災厄が、数年を経過し、記憶として昇華 されていくことであり、また、それでもなお残りかつ逆に増幅する不安や恐れ、不満やいらだちを象徴するものでもあり、同時にままならぬ現状をすべて破壊し てしまいたいと願わずにいられない衝動のあらわれでもある。


最初の『ゴジラ』と『シン・ゴジラ』の双方に共通する「戒め」の要素はおそらく、最も恐ろしいのは人間そのものだという点だろう。ゴジラが水爆実験 で生まれたという出自自体がそのことを如実に示しているが、他にもある。『ゴジラ』においては、戦車の砲撃や戦闘機のミサイル攻撃がまったく通じなかった ゴジラを倒した「オキシジェンデストロイヤー」を開発した芹沢博士が、核兵器に勝るとも劣らない威力をもつと思われるその技術の兵器転用を恐れ、自らの命 とともにそれを葬り去る。『シン・ゴジラ』においては、ゴジラを倒すために東京に核兵器を落とすという恐ろしい決断を国連が平然と下す。

ゴ ジラはそれ自体が人間には理解不能な災厄であると同時に、それよりさらに恐ろしい人間の内なる「闇」を映し出す鏡のような存在でもあるわけだ。両作に共通 する「ゴジラは東京に現れたあの1頭だけではないかもしれない」という示唆は、このような「闇」が完全には消すことのできないものであり、今後も人類が自 らの一部分として共存し、戦い続けなければならないものであるということを象徴している。

しかし同時に、人間の叡智と勇気を最終的には信頼 するという点も、両作に共通している。科学や自然が福音と災厄の両面を人間にもたらす両刃の刃であるのと同様、人間自身もまた、光と闇の双方を内包してい る。多くの災厄が人間自身の所業に起因するのと同時に、どんな苦難も悲嘆も人間は乗り越えることができ、実際そうやって私たちの社会は発展してきたという ことだ。そして巨大な災厄を乗り越えるため人々が頼るものが武力ではなく、科学の力と、現場の人々の協力と努力であるというのはある意味実に日本的ではな いかと思う。

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How John Hersey’s Hiroshima revealed the horror of the bomb via BBC

At the end of this month 70 years will have passed since the publication of a magazine story hailed as one of the greatest pieces of journalism ever written. Headlined simply Hiroshima, the 30,000-word article by John Hersey had a massive impact, revealing the full horror of nuclear weapons to the post-war generation, as Caroline Raphael describes.

I have an original copy of the 31 August 1946 edition of The New Yorker. It has the most innocuous of covers – a delightful playful carefree drawing of summer in a park. On the back cover, the managers of the New York Giants and the New York Yankees encourage you to “Always Buy Chesterfield” cigarettes.


Seventy years ago no-one talked about stories “going viral”, but the publication of John Hersey’s article Hiroshima in The New Yorker achieved just that. It was talked of, commented on, read and listened to by many millions all over the world as they began to understand what really happened not just to the city but to the people of Hiroshima on 6 August 1945 and in the following days.


John Hersey was not the first to report from Hiroshima but the reports and newsreels had been a blizzard of numbers too big to fully comprehend. They had reported on the destruction of the city, the mushroom cloud, the shadows of the dead on the walls and streets but never got close to those who lived through those end-of-days time, as Hersey did.

It was also becoming increasingly clear to some that this new weapon carried on killing long after the “noiseless flash” as bright as the sun, despite intense government and military attempts to cover it up or deny it.


Hiroshima was the first publication to make the man on the San Francisco trolleybus and the woman on the Clapham omnibus confront the miseries of radiation sickness, to understand that you could survive the bomb and still die from its after effects. John Hersey in his calm unflinching prose reported what those who had survived had witnessed. As the nuclear arms race began, just three months after the testing of further atom bombs at Bikini Atoll, the true power of the new weapons began to be understood.

Such were the reverberations of Hersey’s article, and Albert Einstein’s very public support for it, that Henry Stimson who had been US Secretary for War wrote a magazine article in reply, The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb – a defiant justification for the use of the bomb, whatever the consequences.

News of the extraordinary article had been reported in Britain, but it was too long to publish – John Hersey would not allow it to be edited and newsprint was still rationed. So the BBC followed American radio’s lead and about six weeks later it was read out over four consecutive nights on the new Third Programme, despite some concern among senior managers about the emotional impact on listeners.

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海外の生徒と共に「福島の食」を学ぶ 浅草で成果発表会via 東京新聞



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福島の除染農地に希望のヒマワリ…1万本満開 via読売新聞





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安倍首相のワシントンポスト報道否定こそ大嘘だ! 過去にも核武装発言を「発言してない」と虚偽の弁明 via LITERA






〈Japan, in particular, believes that if Obama declares a “no first use” policy, deterrence against countries such as North Korea will suffer and the risks of conflict will rise. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe personally conveyed that message recently to Adm. Harry Harris Jr., the head of U.S. Pacific Command, according to two government officials.〉




さらにいえば、日本は国連で一貫して「核兵器禁止条約」の交渉開始決議に棄権しており、核軍縮の進展を目指す国連作業部会の会合でも、佐野利男軍 縮大使は安全保障上の問題を理由に核が必要とし「核兵器を削減・廃絶するのはほとんど非現実的」と主張。「核兵器禁止条約」の締結に対して反対し続けてい る。オバマ大統領が打ち出そうとしている核兵器の先制不使用宣言についても、外務省や政府高官は非公式に反対の意志を示してきた。







自分にとって不都合な報道には「盗聴器と盗撮ビデオを仕掛けられた」とメディアを一方的に犯罪者扱いする──。もちろん、「サン毎」が盗聴器や盗 聴カメラを仕掛けていたという事実はまったくなく、この発言もまた大きな問題になったのだが、保身のためならどこまでも嘘をつき通し、卑劣な罵倒を繰り出 す性格は、このころから何も変わっていないのだ。今回のワシントンポストの報道を否定しているのも、それで逃げ切れると考えているのだろう。

全文は安倍首相のワシントンポスト報道否定こそ大嘘だ! 過去にも核武装発言を「発言してない」と虚偽の弁明


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Anti-nuclear activists’ METI camp razed in darkness after years battling over Fukushima via The Japan Times

Tokyo District Court officials on Sunday removed activists’ tents from the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, five years after they initiated protests against the government’s handling of the Fukushima nuclear crisis.

“The government is pushing through the reactivation of nuclear power plants without taking responsibility (for the Fukushima crisis),” said a 53-year-old company employee who had been staying in one of the tents on Saturdays since the first one was erected in September 2011.

“We will carry on with our protests,” he said.

The removal of the three tents — which took place before daybreak Sunday — came after the government asked the court to enforce its order to dismantle the site.

Handed down in February 2015, the order was upheld by the Tokyo High Court last October. It became final after the Supreme Court in July rejected an appeal filed by the two anti-nuclear campaigners.

The three tents were set up in September 2011 on a roughly 50-sq.-meter area at METI, which oversees the nuclear power industry and was considered to be in bed with it and Japan’s former atomic regulator for decades.

The campaigners had used the site as a base for conducting anti-nuclear protests at METI after the Fukushima disaster began unfolding in March 2011, streaming live video to the internet, staging hunger strike and forming human chains.


In its ruling last year, the Tokyo District Court also ordered the activists to pay roughly ¥21,000 ($209) per day in fees for using the land for as long as they stayed at the site. That amount now stands at more than ¥30 million.

The district court said that while it “understands the campaigners’ compelling motive to join anti-nuclear activities after the atomic accident,” they “do not have special rights to use the land” belonging to the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry in the capital.

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「脱原発テント」の強制執行始まる 経産省の敷地 via 朝日新聞




続きは「脱原発テント」の強制執行始まる 経産省の敷地


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