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The Bomb Was Never a One-Way Affair: Bringing Together Japanese and American Sufferers (webinar)

Thursday, August 6, 8:00 p.m. -10:00 p.m.

To register, please contact Yuki Miyamoto at ymiyamot@depaul.edu

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75th Anniversary Commemoration of Hiroshima & Nagasaki via Institute of Contemporary Asian Studies (Temple University Japan Campus)

ICAS Webinar (Online)

“Managing Nuclear Memory: The Journey from Hiroshima to Fukushima”

  • Date/Time:  August 7  10:00am  Chicago (CT)  |  August 8  12:00am  Tokyo (JST)
  • Webinar access link:   https://temple.zoom.us/j/8166385428M | Meeting ID: 816 638 5428
  • Moderator:  Kyle Cleveland, ICAS Co-Director

For more information, see here.

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3年前「どこの国の総理ですか」 安倍首相に80歳被爆者「私たちには後がない」<長崎原爆の日> via東京新聞

 安倍晋三首相は9日、長崎市平和祈念式典でのあいさつや被爆者代表との面会で、核兵器禁止条約に批判的な姿勢を取り続けた。3年前の同じ面会の場で、一人の男性被爆者が「あなたはどこの国の総理ですか」と、核禁条約参加を直接求めた。今年の面会にも出席したが「今回も同じことの繰り返しだった。私たちにはもう後がないんだ」と、参加を拒み続ける首相の姿勢に憤りを隠さない。(柚木まり) 

男性は、長崎県平和運動センター被爆者連絡協議会の川野浩一議長(80)。 

2017年8月9日の首相と被爆者代表の面会で、核禁条約への署名などを求める要望書を手渡す際、首相に「あなたはどこの国の総理ですか。今こそ、あなたが世界の核兵器廃絶の先頭に立つべきです」と、強い口調で迫った。例年なら書面を渡すだけの役割だが、前月に国連で採択された核禁条約に、唯一の戦争被爆国である日本が賛同しないことが納得できなかったからだ。

「どうして私たちの気持ちが分からないのか。何とかひと言言わなければと怒りを禁じ得なかった」。川野さんは面会当日の朝、「あなたはどこの国の総理ですか」などの言葉をメモし、要望の際に手にしていた。要望書を手渡そうとしたが、その手を引っ込めて、思いを首相にぶつけた。 

5歳の時、爆心地から3.1キロの自宅前で被爆した川野さん。5年前に食道がんを発症し、原爆症に認定された。ともに活動を続ける協議会のメンバーも、高齢化で施設に入所したり亡くなったりして、これまでのような活動ができなくなりつつある。 

核禁条約への日本の参加を願って迎えた被爆75年の「原爆の日」。首相に会える1年に一度の機会に、少しでも被爆者の思いを分かってもらいたい。そんな気持ちを抱き、今回も被爆者代表の一人として出席した。被爆者側は「長崎を最後の被爆地に」と条約批准を改めて求めたが、首相はまたも賛意を示さなかった。面会は首相の日程を理由に予定時間の30分で終わり、質問もできなかった。 

川野さんはつぶやいた。「首相から、ちっとも中身のある答えが返ってこない。80歳を超え、ぎりぎりだと思って活動しているのに、挫折感ばかりが大きくなっている」


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Nuclear Watch NM Chief Blasts Los Alamos County For ‘Racial Injustice’, Archbishop Voices Support For Nuclear Disarmament via Los Alamos Reporter

BY MAIRE O’NEILL
maire@losalamosreporter.com

Nuclear Watch New Mexico executive director Jay Coghlan blasted Los Alamos County as a “stark illustration” of how racial injustice “plagues our land” Thursday in a speech recorded for an hour-long virtual national commemoration of the 75th anniversary of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. .

“The County itself is 70 percent non-Hispanic White, while New Mexico as a whole is 48 percent Hispanic and 12 percent Native American. Los Alamos County is the fourth richest county in the U.S. but is now asking the Department of Energy for the transfer of 3,000 acres to it at no cost. This land was seized from Hispanic homesteaders and Native Americans at the beginning of the Manhattan Project and that land should go back to them. Where is the racial justice in this?” Coghlan said.

The Department of Energy recently informed Los Alamos County that the request for the land transfer has been denied. See here.

Coghlan earlier said he was thrilled to have the Archbishop John C. Wester of Santa Fe join in the commemoration.

“Two of the nation’s three nuclear weapons laboratories lie within his dioceses – Sandia and Los Alamos. Because of that, more money is spent in his dioceses than any other dioceses in the country and perhaps the world. In fact there are probably more nuclear warheads in his dioceses – some 2,500 stored in reserve at the Kirtland Air Force Base at Albuquerque,” Coghlan said.

Zeroing in on Los Alamos National Laboratory’s future mission of expanded plutonium pit production , he said future production is not to maintain the safety and reliability of “the already extensively tested and reliable stockpile”.

“Instead, future production will be for speculative new designs that can’t be tested because of the existing global testing moratorium or perhaps worse, will prompt the U.S. back into testing sparking a new nuclear arms race,” he said.

Coghlan said this could actually degrade U.S. national security instead of improving it.

“This begs the question of what is real national security. Here our nation is, facing a global pandemic and failed presidential leadership, but nevertheless the federal government is actively planning and is beginning to spend $2 trillion on so called modernization of weapons,” he said. “This will rebuild every warhead in the stockpile, design and produce new warheads, build new production facilities expected to last until the year 2080, and build new missile subs and bombers to deliver them. This does nothing for our national security in terms of fighting against the coronavirus pandemic and climate change.”

Archbishop Wester in his prerecorded address said noted that although socially distanced, “We are united in our resolve to eliminate nuclear weapons and to build a world that’s grounded not on fear and distrust but on mutual respect for the life and dignity of all”.

He said when he visited Hiroshima and Nagasaki a few years ago in September 2017,  he felt “a fear, a dread and a sorrow” that united him in some mysterious way with “that unfathomable suffering”.

[…]

“The bishops of the U.S. steadfastly renew our urgent call to make progress on the disarmament of nuclear weapons. The church proclaims her clarion call and humble prayer for peace in our world which is God’s gift to the salvific sacrifice of Jesus Christ,” he said. “We in New Mexico have been and continue to be directly involved in nuclear arms. It was poignant for me to return (from the trip to Japan) and within a short while pass the old office in Santa Fe where scientists reported for duty with the Manhattan Project, proceeding to one of the laboratories where the first nuclear bomb was engineered and manufactured. And of course it was here at the Trinity Site that the first nuclear bomb was detonated.”

He said New Mexico is also a land of beauty and peace where many cultures come together.

“We wish to be known as a state where peace supplants war and where we seek to be instrumental in moving our world from conflict and fear to peace and tranquility. I am gratified to see the many scientists at laboratories here in New Mexico that work to this end as they make strides in research that envelopes energy and environmental programs, computing science, bioscience, engineering science, material science and microsystems as well as advances in medicine and lately in helping to fight COVID-19. These are productive uses of our laboratories that we’re proud of,” Archbishop Wester said.

He asked for prayers that justice would be provided for those whose families have been so severely damaged by the nuclear tests that have taken place in New Mexico over the years.

“I’m speaking about the reparation that needs to be made to the downwinders . The Tularosa Downwinders Consortium is working hard on this and I support their efforts,” Archbishop Wester said.

[…]

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The American narrative of Hiroshima is a statue that must be toppled via Counterpunch

By Robert Jacobs and Ran Zwigenberg

[…]

The American telling of the nuclear attacks focuses on the astonishing accomplishments of scientists involved in developing the weapons, on industrial manufacturers producing the weapons, politicians “deciding” what to do with the revolutionary technology, and the highly trained military personnel who “dropped” the bombs (always a passive construction) on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It seems that every year someone finds another way to tell the story that celebrates the inclusiveness prioritized in modern American narration. Some tell the story of children expressing pride in their parents involvement in creating this weapon. Others find “inspiring” angles of inclusiveness such as gender, or of minority racial groups, leaving unmentioned the enforcement of Jim Crow style discrimination in employment practices in the Manhattan Project production workforce. But the central players in the story are Americans, there are no Japanese people in the story. Japanese people are included only as statistics: how many dead; how many wounded. It is a story of the mass murder of hundreds of thousands of human beings in which those murdered are a footnote. No Japanese person is named.

This is a continuation of the war time erasure of Japanese humanity. In its practice of “urbacide” the US military turned human urban settlements, which were full of innocent civilians, into “kill zones,” “target areas,” and “workers dwellings,” or simply equations or statistics of burned area and bomb tonnage. Hiroshima was the culmination of a campaign that saw up to 350,000 civilians bombed, burned and strafed by the US 20th Air Force. Yet, we treat the people who executed these raids as tortured souls who hated what they were doing. That is if we think about them at all.

The fire raids are completely obscured by the A-bombs in American and Japanese memory. Historian Mark Selden called these, somewhat provocatively, a forgotten Holocaust. The comparison with the Holocaust is problematic for contemporary Americans. Even obscene. But, this was not always so. Already in August 1945, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Felix Morley, not exactly a Marxist firebrand, wrote “At Nazi concentration camps, we have paraded horrified German civilians before the piled bodies of tortured Nazi victims…It would be equally salutary to send groups of representative Americans to Hiroshima. There, as at Buchenwald, there are plenty of unburied dead.” We still have not heeded Morley’s advice. We are still refusing to look at the crimes we committed during our last good war. If Morley could say this in 1945, right after the liberation of the camps, American patriotism at its highest point, we should be able to think about the implications of the comparison now.

But we rarely do. The American narrative of the nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki—which are by definition, war crimes—focuses entirely on the perpetrators. When it is being recounted by experts, it often obsesses over them. Who said what to whom on what day? What materials were moved from place A to place B on what day? How were the weapons of mass destruction assembled? Who did what? The American narrative of the nuclear attacks is an obsession with the killers, and with their weapon. To the degree that the war crime itself is discussed, the focus is on the physical effects and dynamics of the weapon. The presence beneath this process of thousands of schoolchildren is unnoted.

[…]


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黒い雨訴訟判決に加藤勝信厚労相「科学的知見と異なる」via 東京新聞

加藤勝信厚生労働相は7日の閣議後記者会見で、「黒い雨」訴訟で原告全員を被爆者と認定した広島地裁判決について「これまでの最高裁判決や科学的知見に基づくわれわれの対応とは異なる厳しい内容」と述べた。控訴については、引き続き被告の広島県や広島市と協議するとした。 控訴期限は12日。加藤氏は被爆75年となった6日、広島市内で被爆者と面会。控訴断念を望む広島県の湯崎英彦知事と広島市の松井一実市長とも協議した。こうした協議などの場で、援護対象区域外の人への対応について「地元から強く求められているとの話があった」と説明。「県や市の立場をしっかり共有させていただきたい」と述べた後、「一方で」として判決内容の厳しさに触れた。(共同)

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終戦後も、使われたはずである。「慰霊」の「霊」は旧字体で「… via 東京新聞

終戦後も、使われたはずである。「慰霊」の「霊」は旧字体で「靈」と難しい。器をかたどっているらしいが、見れば、横一列に並ぶ「口」がある。慰霊に臨む時、人は今この世にいない人々が発する言葉に、耳を澄ますものかもしれない▼きょうは広島原爆忌。午前八時十五分の投下から、「草木も生えない」と言われた七十五年の月日がたって、迎える慰霊の日である▼<ピカは人が落(おと)さにゃ落ちてこん>。耳に響いてくる言葉があるとすれば、「原爆の図」の画家丸木位里さんの母スマさんの嘆きもその一つだろうか。<まるで地獄じゃ…鬼の姿が見えぬから、この世の事とわ思うたが>などの言葉とともに書き留められ語り継がれる▼人が落とすおそれが、この歳月にしてなお消えていない核兵器である。手を合わせながら七十五年の人の営みを問うなら、心にはさらにどんな言葉が返ってこよう▼史上初の核実験から七十五年を迎え、トランプ米大統領は先日、実験を「素晴らしい偉業」と語ったそうだ。地球上にいまだ一万発以上の核弾頭があって、保有国の米中は緊張の渦中にある。核兵器禁止条約は日本が参加せず、発効もしていない▼<しずかに耳を澄ませ/何かが近づいてきはしないか…午前八時一五分は/毎朝やってくる>。生誕百年を迎えた詩人石垣りんさんの『挨拶(あいさつ)』。聴くべきものが多い慰霊の日だろう。

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American’s Chernobyl via Cited

SEASON 01: EPISODE 08 (PART 1 OF 2)

America’s Chernobyl

00:00:0000:50:49AMERICA’S CHERNOBYLRewind Play Forward   

Richland, Washington is a company town that sprang up almost overnight in the desert of southeastern Washington. Its employer is the federal government, and its product is plutonium. The Hanford nuclear site was one of the Manhattan Project sites, and it made the plutonium for the bomb that devastated Nagasaki. Here, the official history is one of scientific achievement, comfortable houses, and good-paying jobs. But it doesn’t include the story of what happened after the bomb was dropped — neither in Japan, nor right there in Washington State. On part one of our two-part season finale, we tell the largely-forgotten story of the most toxic place in America.

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Daughters of the bomb: my reckoning with Hiroshima, 75 years later via The Guardian

Erika Hayasaki for Narratively

On the 75th anniversary of the A-bomb, a Japanese American writer speaks to one of the last living survivors – and traces connections from Malcolm X to the fight to end nuclear war

I keep a red file folder, its edges faded from nearly three decades of exposure to dust and light. Inside, the title words I typed in 1991: “The Atomic Bombing of Hiroshima.” It is the first research paper I ever wrote. Tucked inside of the folder’s front flap are three stapled index cards, each with reference titles written in smudged pencil. The first book listed is the one that mattered to me most: the journalist John Hersey’s 1946 nonfiction classic Hiroshima. The book’s scenes, vivid and wrenching, are lodged inside my memory. Particularly this one, about the Rev Kiyoshi Tanimoto, pulling bomb victims from a sand pit: “He reached down and took a woman by the hands, but her skin slipped off in huge, glove-like pieces.”

Hersey introduced me to Mr Tanimoto, a man who wore his hair parted down the middle and moved through crowds of mangled, dying people, bringing water and apologizing: “Excuse me for having no burden like yours.” At a time when Japanese people were roundly excoriated in the US, portrayed as demons, yellow monkeys, and savages deserving of death, one historian claimed Hersey’s book transformed “subhuman Japs back into Japanese human beings”. His omniscient, controlled voice felt godlike and all-knowing, free from authorial editorializing. He was hailed as a writer who “let ‘Hiroshima’ speak for itself”.

When I first read the book in 1991, I was struggling to make sense of my place among some Americans who still – 46 years after the bomb – saw someone like me as subhuman. I was a child with a Japanese immigrant father (he was born three years after the bomb) and a white mother. I grew up in a small midwestern town as one of only a handful of Asians. There was name-calling: “Chink.” “Gook.” “Jap.” There were days when white kids threw rocks at me on the playground or recited the all-too-common phrase: “Go back to where you came from.” Being anti-Asian was an easy fallback for your garden-variety middle school bullies. I have memories of hiding in a blue paint-chipped bathroom stall, wondering what was wrong with me.

[…]

Reading Hiroshima, I learned how Mr Tanimoto ran to look for his wife and baby, encountering hundreds of fleeing people along the way. “Many were naked or in shreds of clothing,” Hersey wrote. “On some undressed bodies, the burns had made patterns – of undershirt straps and suspenders.” The shapes of flowers from kimonos seared on to their skin.

My personal torment suddenly fit into a context of racism and war. Classes at school did not teach me about the internment of Japanese Americans, nor about all of the rest of the groups deemed subhuman. So, as a teenager, I went searching for more books that did.

[…]

It was through my grandfather’s stories that I also learned more about my grandmother’s brother, Jim, a graduate student of the University of Wisconsin who studied nuclear physics. Jim had been recruited right out of college to work on a top-secret project in Los Alamos, New Mexico. Years later, the family would come to find out what Jim had been working on all of that time: the Manhattan Project. My American great-uncle, as it turned out, helped build the very same atom bombs that destroyed Hiroshima, and three days later, Nagasaki.

[…]

Kondo had lived in the US during the height of the civil rights movement, first at a junior college in New Jersey, and then as a student at American University in Washington, DC. She learned about freedom protests for Black Americans, and she came to admire the Rev Martin Luther King Jr, who wrote: “The tendency of most is to adopt a view that is so ambiguous that it will include everything and so popular that it will include everybody.”

Kondo realized her own calling when it came to social justice was to take on the legacy of Hiroshima. She decided she did not just want to see nuclear weapons controlled or curtailed. She wanted them abolished. And she knew that for as long as she still had her voice, she would continue to tell their story – Hiroshima’s story – to anyone who would listen. Today, Kondo has one unequivocal pursuit: a nuclear-weapon–free world. “For the sake of the children,” she told me.

[…]

Martin Luther King called for the abolition of nuclear weapons, linking the idea to racial harmony: “We must transform the dynamics of the world power struggle from the negative nuclear arms race, which no one can win, to a positive contest to harness man’s creative genius for the purpose of making peace.”

[…]

In 1964, the JapaneseAmerican activist Yuri Kochiyama invited a group of hibakusha to her Harlem apartment. She also invited Malcolm X, who surprised everyone when he showed up and knocked on the door. “You have been scarred by the atom bomb,” he told the Japanese survivors. “You just saw that we have also been scarred. The bomb that hit us was racism.”

 Yuri Kochiyama with two civil rights activists. Kochiyama fought for Latino, African American, Native American and Asian American civil rights and causes. She held weekly open houses for activists in her Harlem apartment. Photograph: Courtesy US National Park Service/Narratively
Eight months later, Malcolm X was gunned down in a ballroom in New York. Kochiyama had developed a friendship with him and was in the ballroom when he was shot. As others fled, she rushed toward him, picking up his head and putting it in her lap, begging him to stay alive.

[…]

Today, the nuclear weapons system is still sanctioned by structures of white supremacy and power, under claims of safety and self-defense. It continues to protect those in power, while nuclear testing harms people of color around the world, contaminating food and water resources and exposing residents to radiation. In the 1960s, France conducted nuclear tests in the Sahara Desert in Algeria, and in French Polynesia until 1996. There has been little to no compensation for victims of those tests. The US also conducted nuclear tests in the South Pacific, to the detriment of impoverished indigenous populations.

In Washington state, the Spokane tribe of Indians has long suffered from health and environmental damage due to a uranium mine for nuclear weapons, which closed in 1981, though cleanup did not begin until 2017. Native American tribes in close proximity to the Hanford site in Washington State, a decommissioned nuclear production complex, were also exposed to radioactive contamination. And a birth study of the Navajo Nation, which spans Utah, New Mexico and Arizona, found that 27% of those tested had high levels of uranium in their urine, decades after the nuclear weapons mines were closed.

Read more at Daughters of the bomb: my reckoning with Hiroshima, 75 years later

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Hiroshima at 75: A Painful Legacy Tempered by Hope and a Treaty via The Diplomat

[…]

That morning, August 6, 1945, the United States detonated an atomic bomb for only the second time. Three weeks earlier the Trinity test, conducted in New Mexico, marked the first successful detonation of a nuclear device. The second detonation was no test.

A 15 kiloton uranium bomb, codenamed “Little Boy,” was dropped over Hiroshima. Prior to the attack, residents of the city had grown increasingly unsettled, wondering why Hiroshima, one of the largest cities in Japan, had been ominously spared by merciless bombings that razed scores of other Japanese cities.

Setsuko and her parents were not among the tens of thousands of civilians killed by the bomb dropped that day, but Setsuko’s older sister Ayako and 4-year-old son Eiji, who had returned to Hiroshima for a doctor’s appointment, were. 

[…]

Seventy-five years later, speaking from her home in Toronto, Setsuko’s voice shivers with anguish as she describes how two Japanese soldiers doused her sister and nephew’s bodies in gasoline and used bamboo poles to turn them in an open cremation while their family stood frozen, watching numb with shock.

[…]

Setsuko, who campaigned tirelessly in partnership with ICAN, celebrated knowing that after the nuclear weapons ban treaty has been ratified by 50 nations, it will enter into force and the development, testing, production, acquisition, possession, stockpiling, or threatened use of nuclear weapons will become illegal under international law. 

Currently, 40 nations have ratified the ban treaty, which is vigorously opposed by the nine nuclear armed states, as well as 30 nuclear endorsing states including Japan and Canada, where Setsuko is a citizen and has resided since marrying Canadian historian Jim Thurlow in 1955.

This year, Setsuko wrote 197 letters to leaders and heads of state of all nations of the world, including a letter to Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau imploring him to acknowledge Canada’s frequently overlooked role in supporting the Manhattan Project while also calling on Canada to ratify the ban treaty.

Setsuko has written to Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe repeatedly but says, “Every time I go to Tokyo, he’s always too busy. Of course he is avoiding me.” The 88-year-old peace activist wonders aloud why the prime minister is afraid to meet her. “I don’t have anything scary but the truth.”

When Setsuko hears diplomats and policy experts discuss nuclear strategy and deterrence theory, she wishes they would instead think of Eiji, her 4-year-old nephew killed by the bomb who, she says, represents all the innocent children that could be killed if any of the world’s more than 13,000 nuclear weapons were used.

The abolition of nuclear weapons, Setsuko argues, “is much too important just to leave it to the politicians. We are talking about life and death issues.”

Under Abe, Japan has had a muted response to U.S. withdrawals from international arms treaties as well as a recent report that the Trump administration was considering the possible resumption of explosive nuclear weapons testing.

Japan’s “chummy” relationship with the United States, Setsuko says, is indicative of an alliance she calls “total subservience to U.S. policy.” She insists Abe and Japan’s powerful Liberal Democratic Party’s opposition to the ban treaty is out of step with public opinion.

[…]

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[インタビュー]「原発汚染水、ひとまず地上のタンク保管が最も現実的で安全」via Hankyoreh

松久保肇・日本原子力資料情報室事務局長
 
原発周辺の広大な土地を活用すべき 
タンクに入れた後、コンクリートで固める案も
 
日本国民も同意しない海洋放出を止めるべき 
韓日市民の連帯など国際的圧力がカギ

「福島原発の汚染水はひとまず地上のタンクでの保管を継続すべき。タンク容量が足りなくなったからといって海洋放出という選択肢はあり得ない」

日本原子力資料情報室(CNIC)の松久保肇事務局長は最近、「ハンギョレ」との書面インタビューで、福島原発の汚染水処理と関連し、最も現実的かつ安全な対策とは何かという質問に対し、このように答えた。原子力資料情報室は、日本の脱原発運動の象徴だった核物理学者、高木仁三郎氏の主導で1975年に設立された市民団体だ。脱原発関連の研究と講演、資料集の発刊など活発に活動している。以下は一問一答。

(略)

-海洋放出を推し進めている理由は何だと思うか。
「日本だけでなくどの国でも原発の運転などで汚染水に含まれるトリチウムは海洋や大気に放出されてきた。その延長線での決定だと思う。また海洋放出が最も安価だということも一因だろう」

-日本国内でも反対の声が高いようだが。
「多くの市民が反対している。特に漁民は“風評被害”など深刻な影響を受けるとして強く反対している。また、福島県内や周辺の複数の議会が汚染水の放出に対する懸念を示す決議を行っている」

-このような反対世論が、政府の政策を変える可能性はあるか。
「特に直接の利害関係者となる漁民の反対の声は強く影響する。以前、東京電力は福島など地元の理解が得られない限り、汚染水を海洋放出しないと文章で約束した」

-汚染水の海洋放出に対し、韓国や海外の環境団体などが制止する方法はないか。

「国連海洋法条約に基づく訴訟などが考えられる。ただ、韓国で稼動中の原発、特に月城(ウォルソン)原発からは大量のトリチウムが放出されている。福島第一原発の汚染水の海洋放出による影響を立証するのはなかなか難しいだろう」

-汚染水処理で最も現実的で安全な対策は何か。
「最も現実的な選択肢は、ひとまずタンク保管を継続することだ。福島第一原発には土地がないというが、周辺には放射性廃棄物を保管するための広大な土地(中間貯蔵施設)がある。経済産業省は他の目的には流用できないといっているが、地権者などと交渉することは可能なはずだ。タンクの容量が足りなくなって放射性物質を海に放出するという選択肢はあり得ない。日本の市民グループは、地上での保管を継続しながら、コンクリートで固めることを提案している。また、海洋放出すれば国際問題になるだろうと政府に警告している」

(略)

再処理工場の問題はそれだけではない。プルトニウムは核兵器の原材料にもなり得る。韓国・日本の市民の連帯で、両国の再処理計画を食い止めなければならない」
キム・ソヨン記者 (お問い合わせ japan@hani.co.kr)
http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/international/international_general/956181.html韓国語原文入力:2020-08-03 04:59
訳H.J

全文は[インタビュー]「原発汚染水、ひとまず地上のタンク保管が最も現実的で安全」

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