高レベル放射性廃棄物 「ガラス固化体」の作業中止 原子力機構via NHK News Web

[…]

東海村にある原子力機構の再処理施設では、原発の使用済み核燃料を処理したあとに出る高レベル放射性廃棄物の液体を安定した状態で長期に保管するために、ガラスで固めた「ガラス固化体」を作る作業を進めています。

しかし、作業に伴って溶融炉の中に堆積する金属の量が想定を上回ったことが確認されたため、原子力機構は4日をもってガラス固化体を作る作業を中止しました。

計画では、ことしから令和10年度までに、施設に残る高レベル放射性廃棄物350立方メートル余りを564本のガラス固化体にする予定でしたが、ことしこれまでに作ったのは13本にとどまっていて、原子力機構は予定の見直しを含めて対応を検討するとしています。

5年前に今の作業を始めてから、作業が止まるのは3回目となります。

原子力機構は「原因を調査したうえで、今後の運転に向けた対策を検討していきたい」としています。

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How to dismantle an atomic lie–taking apart the nuclear falsehoods via Fairewinds Energy Education

By Arnie Gundersen

The Beginning

I am a nuclear engineer and have been for 50-years. I have two Nuclear Engineering degrees, a Nuclear Reactor Operator’s license, and ultimately became a Senior Vice president in the nuclear industry. My journey in atomic power started in 1958 when I was 9-years-old, and my mother took me to New York City to see the Nautilus.

This first nuclear-powered submarine had just crossed under the North Pole between the Pacific Ocean and the Atlantic.I was enthralled by this atomic-powered submarine, and visions of Jules Verne’s tales peppered my dreams where I imagined travel in the Nautilus.

When I attended university at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, I chose my study plan as a 20-year-old sophomore. The math behind splitting atoms and controlling them in a nuclear reactor captivated me, so I decided on nuclear engineering. Later in life, at 40-years-old, I knew I had made a colossal mistake. Splitting atoms for nuclear power is rooted in the secrecy surrounding atomic bombs as weapons of mass destruction.

Like many others my age, I learned that dropping the atomic bomb was allegedly necessary to end a terrible war. My generation was lied to and developed beliefs based on that lie.  Studying nuclear engineering, I believed that pursuing the “peaceful use of the atom” would help people worldwide and move us away from atomic war.

In 1971, I became a card-carrying member of the nuclear priesthood when I began my career as a licensed nuclear reactor operator.

[…]

And so, against the backdrop of Atoms for Peace, in 1971, I consecrated my career in the atomic priesthood as a newly-minted nuclear engineer in the U.S. atomic power industry. The nuclear industry is enormous, extraordinarily profitable, and with tenacious political and legal contacts with Washington Lobbyists and Law Firms.  It shapes the laws that govern it and even controls who Congress appoints to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to oversee it!

To be accepted into the Atomic Priesthood as I initially was, one must believe in the regulatory Echo Chamber.  Regulators and the nuke industry use specific language and jargon, some call it Nukespeak, to frame all nuclear concepts inside a predetermined and agreed-upon box. This predetermined regulatory framework began in 1945 and still exists today anywhere in the world with nuclear power and weapons.

[…]

1.1. Briefly, I uncovered radiation safety violations at Nuclear Energy Services / NES, my employer. When I tried to have the violations corrected by the company, the corporation’s president fired me for doing my job.  Then I went to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission / NRC and was shocked that it would not support me.  The NRC deliberately distorted the follow-up investigation of my safety concerns and supported the company I had worked for.  

1.2. Three years after I began fighting the NRC, I contacted Senator John Glenn, the former astronaut and my childhood hero. Senator Glenn held whistleblower hearings in which I testified and was commended for my actions, while Senator Glenn lambasted the NRC. Ivan Selin, then the NRC Chair, even told Senator Glenn that I was a hero who performed quite a service to my country. Yet behind the scenes, Selin, a Republican appointee and significant donor to the Republican party, did absolutely nothing, even after the Inspector General’s investigation showed that NRC personnel had purposely lied and covered up my findings.

1.3. After the Glenn hearings, a prominent Nuclear Industry attorney and former colleague told me, “Arnie, in this business, you’re either for us or against us, and you just crossed the line.”

[…]

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“Low-carbon” misses the point via Beyond Nuclear International

By Amory Lovins

The view that climate protection requires expanding nuclear power has a basic flaw in its prevailing framing: it rarely if ever relates climate-effectiveness to cost or to speed—even though stopping climate change requires scaling the fastest and cheapest solutions. By focusing on carbon but only peripherally mentioning cost and speed, and by not relating these three variables, this approach misframes what climate solutions must do.

[…]

Thus nuclear power not only isn’t a silver bullet, but, by using it, we shoot ourselves in the foot, thereby shrinking and slowing climate protection compared with choosing the fastest, cheapest tools. It is essential to look at nuclear power’s climate performance compared to its or its competitors’ cost and speed. That comparison is at the core of answering the question about whether to include nuclear power in climate mitigation.

[…]

For example, the US in 2020 used 60% less energy per dollar of GDP than in 1975, and during that period, cumulative savings were 27 times the cumulative increase in supply from nuclear plus renewables. Looking forward, RMI’s Reinventing Fire (2011) rigorously showed how to quadruple the efficiency of using US electricity by 2050, at historically reasonable speed, and at an average cost one-tenth the cost of buying electricity today. That study’s findings have nicely tracked the decade of market evolution since, while the efficiency potential has considerably increased

These views are explained and documented in my March 30, 2021 Energy & Environmental Study Institute 20-minute brief to Congressional members and staff. Its slides and narrative, plus a data-rich Appendix, can be found here. The content is also reflected in an earlier and more popular article in Forbes. The underlying technical analysis—including the timing of renewable substitution after a nuclear shutdown—is on pp 228–256 of the World Nuclear Industry Status Report 2019, consistent with emerging examples from California and New York.

[…]

The “pro” discussion is further confused by muddled mentions of batteries and hydrogen—just two of ten proven carbon-free resources for balancing largely or wholly renewable grids. Widely cited studies purporting to show that largely or wholly renewable power supply is impossible or at best very costly generally omit most or all of the other eight options. My recent article, Twelve energy and climate myths, dispels the common misconceptions implicit in this point of view, and should also help to dispel a common mischaracterization of what happened in Germany and Japan. Two slides from my EESI brief tell that story from the official data:

[…]

apan’s utilities replaced lost nuclear output (red) largely with fossil fuels (black) while national policies suppressed renewables (especially windpower) and shielded legacy assets from competition. More than a third of Japan’s nuclear capacity has closed, and most of the rest remains in limbo as utilities’ credibility and financial strength ebb. Yet in nine years after the Fukushima disaster, renewables (green) plus savings (blue) displaced 150% of Japan’s lost nuclear output if adjusted for GDP growth, 108% if not adjusted. Thus Japan’s old nuclear market vanished before more reactors could restart—if restart had a business case. In the first three-fourths of the current Fiscal Year, nuclear and fossil fuels fell even faster as renewables grew to 23% of Japan’s generation—the official target for ten years later [22–24% in FY2030]

[…]

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<社説>原発避難者訴訟 積み重なる「国の責任」via 東京新聞

福島の原発事故で愛媛に避難した人々が起こした裁判で、高松高裁が国と東京電力の責任を認めた。地震予測の「長期評価」の信頼性を認めた意味は重い。高裁で積み重なった国の責任もまた重い。 東電福島第一原発の事故から避難した人々をめぐる損害賠償訴訟では、すべて東電の責任は認められている。だが、国の責任も同時に認めたものは、地裁レベルでは十七件の判決のうち九件で、判断は真っ二つに割れていた。 高裁レベルでは一件を除き、仙台、東京、高松の三つの高裁が国の責任を明確に示したことになる。最高裁への太い流れができたと、高く評価したい。 判断の分かれ道は、国の地震調査研究推進本部が二〇〇二年に公表した地震活動に関する「長期評価」に対する信頼性だ。三陸沖北部から房総沖の日本海溝寄りで、マグニチュード(M)8クラスの津波地震が起こりうる予想だった。三十年以内の発生確率は20%としていた。 高松高裁は「科学的信頼性がある」として、「長期評価」を重視した。それゆえ経済産業相は予想を基に津波のシミュレーションを行い、福島第一原発に及ぼす影響を検討すべきであった。 当然、敷地高を大幅に上回る津波襲来を認識でき、防潮堤の建設やタービン建屋などへの対策も可能となる。 実際には調査や検討は行われず、国は規制権限を行使しなかった。だから高松高裁は「限度を逸脱して著しく合理性を欠く」と述べ、国の責任を認めた。長期間の避難生活をせざるをえなかった原告に一人当たり百万円の「故郷喪失慰謝料」なども認めた。

[…]

今後の同種裁判のみならず、最高裁の判断にも影響を与えよう。強い権限を持つ国は、危うい予兆を示す重要情報があれば、その権限を振るうのは当然だからだ。 しかし、国の「長期評価」を「信頼性に疑いが残る」と指摘した裁判がある。業務上過失致死傷罪で強制起訴された東電旧経営陣三人の刑事裁判である。一審は三人とも「無罪」で、十一月にも控訴審が始まる。本当に「長期評価」は信頼できないのか、再度、焦点が当たることになろう。

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Protect Our Ocean from Radioactive Water Dumping: Four Messages via Manhattan Project for a Nuclear-Free World/海を汚染水から守ろう!4つのメッセージ 核兵器のない世界を目指すマンハッタン計画

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NdOFoGh0HN8
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[In Memoriam] Yayoi Hitomi’s Message to the Manhattan Project for a Nuclear-Free World/[追悼]人見やよいさん 核なき世界を目指すマンハッタン計画へのメッセージ

It is with deep sadness that we learned of Yayoi Hitomi’s death on September 27, 2021.

2021年9月27日、人見やよいさんのご逝去を悼みます。

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Hidden military implications of ‘building back’ with new nuclear in the UK via Responsible Science Journal

Dr Phil Johnstone and Prof Andy Stirling, University of Sussex, examine the entanglements between Britain’s civilian and military nuclear programmes and ask, would the UK be building new nuclear power stations if it weren’t for pressure from the military lobby?

Article from Responsible Science journal, no.3; online publication: 20 September 2021

At a time when such discussions are muted in academic enquiry, media coverage and wider energy policy, Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) have provided crucial analysis of the role that militaries play in influencing the direction and speed of low carbon transitions. [1]  Indeed it is remarkable given the central role that war and the military have played in past energy transitions and how large global military spending continues to be, [2] that there seem only such marginal levels of academic curiosity regarding how contemporary energy system dynamics might be shaped by military imperatives. There is tendency in contemporary analysis of ‘sustainability transitions’ for example, to treat energy and other ‘systems’ as discrete and bounded, governed by their own internal properties and seemingly disconnected from wider dynamics. This leaves questions of how military ambitions shape the direction of energy policy trajectories almost entirely unaddressed.

A key example of these tendencies can be seen in conventional energy policy analysis of UK commitments to new nuclear power, the UK being one of the few OECD countries still enthusiastically pursuing the technology.  As we discuss below, given the now clear disadvantages of new nuclear compared to renewables, this commitment does not make sense when considered simply within the confines of energy policy rationales. What we have outlined through research spanning several years, is that a key driver of the UK’s intense enthusiasm for new nuclear reactors stems from elite imperatives to sustain the capabilities, skills, and supply chain activities necessary for Britain to build, maintain, and operate the nuclear propelled submarines that underpin its nuclear weapons system. In other words, civil nuclear channels a subsidy towards military nuclear activities. […]

The oddity of UK nuclear commitments

We are currently living through momentous and global shifts in energy systems. Over the past decade, renewables have surpassed official expectations with rapid construction and plummeting costs. Renewables now increasingly offer the cheapest energy sources worldwide. [3]  As highlighted by recent Lazard data, cost advantages of renewables over new nuclear now typically dwarf costs of managing intermittency. [4]  Costs of batteries and other storage and grid management options are also declining rapidly. [5]  Between 2010-2019 wind costs fell globally by 70% and solar costs by 89%. [4]  Nuclear costs on the other hand, have risen by 26% over the past decade. [4]  Indeed, global nuclear new build continues to stagnate. [6]  It is plagued by delays and cost overruns [6] with leading nuclear companies face bankruptcy or potential insolvency. [7]  Some are withdrawing entirely from nuclear investment, because it is no longer ‘economically rational’. [8]  Much touted predictions of a global ‘nuclear renaissance’ since the early 2000s have simply not materialised. [6]  

The UK’s long running ‘nuclear renaissance’ has performed particularly poorly, with costs tripling, [9] delays of nearly ten years for the only new power station under construction, and new nuclear very seriously failing to contribute towards the aims of rapid emissions reductions and energy security “significantly before 2025”.  The National Audit Office (NAO) and Public Accounts Committee (PAC) found that the Hinkley C nuclear project could “lock in” consumers to a “bad deal” that will “hit the poorest households the hardest”. [10,11]  Indeed, while new nuclear was originally justified on grounds of economic benefits, [12] the government’s own figures show that even when integration costs are considered, renewables are now far cheaper. [13]  During this period of stark failure in initially firm nuclear policy commitments, renewables have climbed from under 10% of electricity generation in 2010 to 43% in 2020. [14]

With very few companies left investing in new nuclear worldwide, the UK government is mounting a desperate attempt to secure nuclear investment through even more extravagant financial arrangements – including forcing consumers to pay upfront for potential cost overruns under a ‘regulated asset base’ (RAB) or direct government financing. [15]  Meanwhile, intense enthusiasm for entirely untested Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) continues despite these technologies being irrelevant for rapid climate action and almost certainly more expensive than conventional reactors. [16]

As we have documented, [17] this intense enthusiasm is particularly odd by comparison with a country like Germany, that is phasing out nuclear power. The UK has a far more abundant and cost-effective renewable resource and a nuclear industry that performs particularly poorly when compared with Germany and other countries. [18]  It is the UK with its abundant renewables resource that stands in the best position to enact a transition to a non-nuclear future and reap the benefits of investment and jobs in renewables. Yet the relentless obsession for new nuclear continues. This obsession makes no sense – until we consider that Britain is a nuclear weapons state.

[…]

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Protect Our Ocean via Manhattan Project for a Nuclear-Free World

PROTECT OUR OCEAN
Rally & March in NYC
October 2, 2021 • 11AM • Saturday

March start at Bryant Park, 6th Ave & 41st St @ 11AM
Rally at Dag Hammarskjold Plaza, 1st Ave & 47th St @ Noon

Japan has plans to release 1,250,000 tons of radioactive water from the Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant into the Pacific Ocean starting in 2023, and continue for more than 30 years. Preparation for the release will begin this fall.

The dumping of this radioactive water could cause irreparable damage to our planet, and will affect everything from the smallest sea creatures to our human living conditions and everyday lives.

We have a march planned for October 2, 2021 in New York City to protect our waterways. We invite your active participation at this event. Please put the date on your calendar, and share this information with family, friends and community organizations.Let’s protect our ocean!

Co-sponsoring organizations:
Global Network Against Weapons & Nuclear Power in Space
Granny Peace Brigade
Manhattan Project for a Nuclear-Free World
Nukewatch
Pax Christi New York State
Pax Christi USA
Peace Action New York State
Reverse The Trend: Save Our People, Save Our Planet
Veterans For Peace Chapter 34

A Letter to the Japanese government
on the 10th anniversary of the Fukushima Nuclear Disaster

Read

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CANCER RATE IN GRUNDY COUNTY, SITE OF DRESDEN NUKE PLANT, AMONG HIGHEST IN ILLINOIS, WORST FOR RADIATION-SENSITIVE CANCERS via Radiation and Public Health Project (press release)

The current [2014-2018] cancer incidence rate in Grundy County, the site of the Dresden nuclear plant, is 22% above the state rate, the 9thhighest** of all 102 Illinois counties, and one
of the highest in the United States, according to a new report** released today.
Rates of cancers most sensitive to radiation are especially high, including child cancer (+18%),
thyroid cancer (+43%), breast cancer (+24%), and leukemia (+33%). Rates are taken from the
National Cancer Institute analysis of 2014-2018** county-specific data.


“I am not aware of any county with a nuclear plant where radiation-sensitive cancer rates are so
consistently high,” comments Joseph Mangano, Executive Director of the Radiation and Public
Health Project (RPHP) and author of the report. Mangano, author or co-author of 38 medical
journal articles, has been with RPHP since 1989.


“The Dresden nuclear plant may well be harming local residents,” states Christie Brinkley, the
model/actress who is a Board member of RPHP. “It is old, its parts are deteriorating, and
continues to emit more and more dangerous radiation the longer it operates,” she adds.
Dresden reactors 2 and 3, 43 miles from Chicago, have operated for over 50 years; they
areamong the eight oldest reactors in the U.S. Exelon Nuclear, which owns Dresden, intended to
shut the plant in November, due to its unprofitability.It recently received a large bailout from the
Illinois legislature which will enable it to operate through 2026.

In the original Report analysis done for 2013-2017, a total of 1,508 residents of Grundy County
were diagnosed with cancer – the highest reported rate of any Illinois county for those years. The
county cancer incidence rate is 36th highest of all 3,100 U.S. counties, and 8th highest among the
1,600 counties with a population of at least 27,000.


The report also shows that in the late 1960s and early 1970s, as the two Dresden reactors started
operating, the cancer death rates in Grundy County was 13% below the U.S. rate. In the most
recent decade, the county rate was 15% above the U.S.

[…]

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制御棒など低レベル放射性廃棄物処分で新基準 原子力規制委 via NHK Newsweb

原子力発電所の廃炉などで出る「低レベル放射性廃棄物」のうち、放射性物質の濃度が比較的高い廃棄物について原子力規制委員会は、人の生活環境から距離を取って処分するため、地表から70メートル以上深い場所で管理するなどとする新たな基準を設けました。

[…]

施設の場所については、
▽人の生活環境から距離を取り、地形が変化しても10万年は地表からの深さを70メートル以上に保てること
▽震源となる活断層が周辺になく火山の中心からも15キロ以上離れていること
▽掘り起こされるおそれがある鉱物資源などが周辺に存在しないことなどを求めています。

また、処分する事業者が管理する期間を300年から400年とし、この間、放射性物質が施設の外に漏れていないか監視する必要があるとしています。

電力各社でつくる電気事業連合会によりますと、この基準の対象となる低レベル放射性廃棄物は、国内の原発だけでおよそ7700トン発生すると推計されています。

原子力規制委員会は今後、原発の使用済み核燃料から出る高レベル放射性廃棄物、いわゆる「核のごみ」についても処分の基本的な考え方を検討することにしています。

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