What now for Germany’s remaining nuclear waste? via DW

Jens Thurau

Nuclear energy in Germany has been history since mid-April. At one time, up to 20 nuclear power plants fed electricity into the German grid. But all that is over now. The last three nuclear power plants ended their operations on April 15.

To Germany’s environment minister Steffi Lemke of the Green Party, the date marks a new dawn: “I think we should now put all our energy into pushing forward photovoltaics, wind power storage, energy saving, and energy efficiency, and stop these backward-looking debates,” she said in a recent radio interview.

April 15 also effectively ended a decades-long political dispute in Germany. In light of the tense situation on the energy market due to Russia’s war in Ukraine, there are still voices demanding that nuclear power be extended.

The waste issue

And yet, the issue of nuclear energy will linger for Germany for some time yet, as the reactors still have to be dismantled, and the final disposal of the radioactive nuclear waste has not yet been clarified.

Like almost all other countries that have operated, or continue to operate nuclear power plants, Germany has yet to find a place to safely store the spent fuel. Currently, Germany’s nuclear waste is in interim storage at the sites of abandoned power plants, but the law requires that nuclear waste be safely stored in underground repositories for several millennia.

“The interim storage facilities are designed to last for quite some time,” Wolfram König, president of the Federal Office for the Safety of Nuclear Waste Disposal (BASE), told DW. “They are supposed to bridge the time until a final repository is available. … What we are looking for is geological depth, a suitable layer of salt, in granite or in clay rock, which will ensure that no radioactive substances reach the surface again for an indefinitely long period of time.”

Location, location, location

That’s a principle that Germany shares with all of the 30 or so countries that still operate, or have operated nuclear power plants in the past: Radioactive waste is to be disposed of underground. But where exactly? For a long time, Gorleben, located in the Wendland region of Lower Saxony, northeastern Germany, was the site most favored by politicians looking for an underground repository for nuclear waste.

But Gorleben became the location of fierce protests against nuclear energy, so politicians decided a few years ago to abandon the site. Now, the search is on throughout Germany, with more than 90 possible sites under consideration. “We can and must assume that the search process in Germany, with the construction of a final repository, will take approximately as long as we have used nuclear energy, namely 60 years,” König said.

Meanwhile, the dismantling of Germany’s 20 or so nuclear power plants that have been built will also take time. That, according to König, is the responsibility of their operators, who estimate it could take between 10 and 15 years.

[…]

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The US Has No Plans to Give Up Nuclear Weapons. The Public Needs to Change That via Truthout

By Jon Letman , TRUTHOUTPublishedApril 24, 2023

A first step toward anti-nuclear advocacy is becoming aware of the current sprawling state of the U.S. nuclear arsenal.

When Russian President Vladimir Putin announced his intention to deploy short-range nuclear missiles to Belarus in March, he pointed to U.S. nuclear weapons housed in five NATO nations as justification. Putin said the construction of a “special repository” for an Iskander missile complex in Belarus would not violate obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

But by accepting the deployment of Russian nuclear weapons, Belarus President Alexander Lukashenko would be reversing more than three decades free of nuclear weapons after it pledged to abandon them in 1991. Like Ukraine and Kazakhstan, Belarus gave up Soviet nuclear weapons shortly after the USSR broke apart.

In a statement, Daniel Högsta, acting executive director of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) said, “As long as Putin has nuclear weapons, Europe cannot be safe.” He also warned that decades of “nuclear sharing” with NATO nations “helps give Putin cover,” posing a grave risk far beyond Europe.

ICAN has played a central role in advocating for the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons which entered into force in 2021. Although 68 countries have ratified the treaty which prohibits all aspects of developing, possessing or threatening to use nuclear weapons, none of the nine nuclear-armed nations — Russia, the United States, China, France, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, India, Israel and North Korea — recognizes the treaty.

According to the Federation of American Scientists’ Nuclear Information Project, the U.S. houses an estimated 100 B61 gravity bombs on air bases in five NATO nations (Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Turkey). Usually described as “tactical” or nonstrategic nuclear weapons, the new B61-12, which will replace older versions of the B61, has a selectable yield (energy released in a nuclear explosion) that can be adjusted from 0.3 to 50 kilotons. The atomic bombs which destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki were 15 and 21 kilotons respectively.

Daryl Kimball, executive director of the Arms Control Association, said that describing a nuclear weapon as “tactical” may lead people to wrongly assume that such weapons are necessarily “smaller,” less destructive, and would be confined to a battlefield or limited geographic area.

That, he said, is a dangerous assumption. “If there were to be a use of nuclear weapons in a conflict involving nuclear-armed adversaries and it began as a handful of short-range nuclear detonations … there is absolutely no guarantee that that’s not going to lead to an exchange of nuclear weapons that could then lead to escalation to the strategic level involving an exchange of hundreds of intercontinental-range missiles,” Kimball told Truthout.

[…]

Considering the deployment of U.S. nuclear weapons in Europe raises the question of where the United States’s other weapons are located. According to research by the Federation of American Scientists’ Nuclear Information Project, the United States maintains an estimated total inventory of 5,244 nuclear weapons, including reserve warheads and retired warheads awaiting dismantlement. Currently, 3,708 nuclear warheads make up the military stockpile (those weapons which could potentially be used in war).

Within the stockpile, the U.S. has 1,770 deployed nuclear warheads that make up the nuclear triad of air, land and sea-based bombs. Although some experts consider the terms “strategic” and “tactical” (or nonstrategic) in reference to nuclear weapons to be flawed or even obsolete, they continue to be used.

[…]

Under the Sea

Widely considered to be least vulnerable to attack are long-range submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBM). The United States has two Strategic Weapons Facilities, one for the Pacific beside Naval Base Kitsap in Bangor, Washington, 20 miles west of Seattle, and a second facility for the Atlantic at Naval Submarine Base Kings Bay, Georgia.

[…]

While the U.S. nuclear enterprise has widespread support by both Democrat and Republican members of Congress, one of the boldest shows of opposition to nuclear weapons was voiced by Michigan congresswoman Rep. Rashida Tlaib, who has expressed her support for the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). Additional support for the prohibition of TPNW (also called the “ban treaty”) came from Massachusetts Rep. James McGovern and Oregon Rep. Earl Blumenauer, who introduced a resolution in 2019 calling for “the American people to work towards reducing and ultimately eliminating nuclear weapons.” Furthermore, in 2022, more than 200 U.S. mayors collectively called for the adoption of a timebound plan for the total elimination of nuclear weapons.

“This is an existential threat that demands engagement even with our worst adversaries and even with a bona fide war criminal like Vladimir Putin because our survival ultimately depends on it.”

Without dialogue and diplomatic engagement, the result, Kimball warned, could be an unconstrained three-way arms race between Russia, China and the U.S. “If we didn’t have enough problems already,” Kimball said, “it still can get worse.”

The public has a vital role in all this, Kimball said. “Over the long course of the nuclear age, concerned U.S. citizens have stood up and demanded that their leaders take action to reduce the number and the risks posed by nuclear weapons by engaging in arms control and disarmament diplomacy with our adversaries. That effort has to be renewed again.”

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The Hanford Plaintiffs/黙殺された被曝者の声


The Hanford Plaintiffs: Voices from the Fight for Atomic Justice by Tricia T. Pritikin

Foreword by Richard C. Eymann and Tom H. Foulds

University of Kansas Press, 2022

『黙殺された被爆者の声』(明石書店)の刊行に際しまして、著者のトリシャ・T・プリティキン氏よりお話しいただきました。 政府はなぜ核被害を隠蔽し続け、認めないのか……。これはアメリカだけの問題ではない。 1940年代からアメリカ国内で度重なる核実験が行われ、核施設の風下住民は慢性的に放射性物質に曝され続けていたが、40年以上この公害は調査されず、政府に巧みに隠ぺいされてきた。本書は核被害で障害や重病に苦しむ無辜の人々の悲しみと怒りの記録である。 書誌情報: 『黙殺された被爆者の声:アメリカ・ハンフォード 正義を求めて闘った原告たち』 トリシャ・T・プリティキン=著 宮本ゆき=訳 定価4,950円(本体4,500円+税) 四六判/上製/404頁 ISBN:978-4-7503-5556-6 詳しくはコチラ⇒ https://www.akashi.co.jp/book/b625267… Amamzon⇒ https://www.amazon.co.jp/dp/4750355569/

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DNA research among Chornobyl’s dogs could provide answers about the effects of living in a radioactive environment via Beyond Nuclear International

By Linda Pentz Gunter

[…]

Now, Chornobyl’s hapless lost dogs and cats find themselves living in a war zone as well. Russian troops marched into the Exclusion Zone at the very start of the invasion, in late February 2022, and occupied the Chornobyl power plant site by force. When they moved on, they left behind churned up topsoil that disturbed radioactive fallout and increased radiation levels in the area. As the war drags on, it is impossible to predict whether the Russian troops will be back.

[…]

So how are these animals surviving? And how well?

A  new study, — The dogs of Chernobyl: Demographic insights into populations inhabiting the nuclear exclusion zone — published in the journal, Science Advances, has not yet answered this fundamental question. But the researchers have been able to gather important data to enable that next step.

The group studied the DNA of three sets of dog populations: those living at the Chornobyl power plant itself; those around nine miles away in Chornobyl City and another group around 28 miles away in Slavutych.

Their task was made easier by a surprising discovery: the dogs were not living in the traditional manner of wild dogs, or their closest ancestor, the Grey Wolf, but in distinct family units.

“Consistent with previous studies, our findings highlight the tendency of semi-feral dogs, much like their wild canid ancestors, to form packs of related individuals,” the authors wrote in the Discussion section of their paper. “However, our findings also reveal that within this region, small family groups or packs of free-roaming dogs coexist in close proximity to each other, a phenomenon at odds with the generally territorial nature of domestic dog’s closest ancestor, the gray wolf.” 

These distinct family groups and lack of intermingling meant the researchers could easily identify different dogs through their DNA and thus distinguish those living at the nuclear plant from those living further away.

“We know who’s related to who,” one of the authors, Elaine Ostrander, a geneticist at the National Human Genome Research Institute, told Science News.

A dog under examination for radiation as part of the demographic study of Chornobyl dogs. (Photo: Clean Futures Fund)

Co-author Tim Mousseau, professor of biological sciences at the University of South Carolina, has been visiting the Chornobyl site and studying the fate of its wildlife there since the late 1990s. At the same time, he began collecting blood samples from the Chornobyl dogs, curious to know how their bodies were handling such a significant radioactive load. Those samples are now being used in the current study to examine the dogs’ DNA. Wrote the authors in their paper:

“Hence, the dogs of Chernobyl are of immense scientific relevance for understanding the impact of harsh environmental conditions on wildlife and humans alike, particularly the genetic health effects of exposure to long-term, low-dose ionizing radiation and other contaminants, i.e., their adaptation to harsh living conditions makes them an ideal system in which to identify mutational signatures resulting from historical and ongoing radiation exposures.”

Mousseau’s wildlife studies have revealed shortened lifespans among birds and small mammals as well as the prevalence of tumors, sterility and cataracts among other phenomena considered related to exposure to radiation.

How or if the DNA of the Chornobyl-affected dogs has altered can now be examined. Whereas the researchers do not yet know whether radiation exposure in particular has caused changes to the dogs’ DNA, they have the luxury of being able to compare them as a distinct group from other feral dog communities. As Mousseau described it to the Associated Press, the Chornobyl dogs “provide an incredible tool to look at the impacts of this kind of a setting”.

This in turn may lead to enlightenment on whether or not radiation damage is accumulating in their genomes and how this may affect their health and longevity — and that of other mammals similarly exposed — now and into the future.

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Down to Earth: The path to radically lower emissions tucked away inside the devastating IPCC report via The Guardian

It feels impossible. The world has to slash carbon emissions by almost half in the next seven years to remain on track for just 1.5C of global heating and avoid the worst of climate impacts. Yet emissions are rising.

However, tucked away in the recent (and devastating) landmark report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is a chart that provides the road map for an escape from catastrophe. It assesses with extraordinary clarity the potential for emissions cuts of more than 40 options. You can view it here.

The simplicity of the chart is deceptive. It was compiled by a team of the world’s best scientists, based on 175 studies. Its power is amplified by the fact that it was signed off by all of the world’s governments, from the cleanest and greenest to the darkest petrostates.

So what does it show? First, solar and wind power are by far the best option, with the potential to cut a staggering 8bn tonnes from annual CO2 emissions by 2030. That is equivalent to the combined emissions of the US and European Union today. Even more startling is that most of that potential can be achieved at lower cost than just continuing with today’s electricity systems.

“What struck me especially was that wind and solar was so big,” Prof Kornelis Blok, at Delft University of Technology in the Netherlands, told me this week. Blok, who led the work on the chart, identified the winners: “The big five are wind, solar, energy efficiency, stopping deforestation and reducing methane emissions.”

Just as important as the winners in this analysis are the losers. Nuclear power and carbon capture and storage (CCS) each have just 10% of the potential of wind and solar, and at far higher cost. The same applies to bioenergy – burning wood or crops for electricity. It’s no wonder that the UK’s energy strategy, published last week, received significant criticism: it goes heavy on nuclear and CCS, while ignoring onshore wind.

After wind and solar, the biggest prize is stopping the destruction of forests and other wild places, the IPCC scientists found. That has the potential to cut 4bn tonnes of emissions a year by 2030, not far off double the fossil fuel emissions from the whole of Africa and South America today. Including the restoration of degraded forests adds almost 3bn tonnes. Much of this could be achieved for less than $50 per tonne – half the price polluters pay for carbon permits in Europe today.

Energy efficiency in buildings, industry, lighting and appliances remains a no-brainer  4.5bn tonnes a year by 2030  as does slashing methane emissions, particularly from leaky fossil fuel installations. The latter could save the equivalent of about 3bn tonnes.

There are some interesting details too. A shift to “sustainable diets” – ie eating much less red meat in rich nations – could cut 1.7bn tonnes of emissions, equivalent to all the annual pollution from fossil fuel giant Russia. A push towards public transport, bikes and e-bikes has the potential to cut emissions more than the rollout of electric cars, showing both are needed. An often overlooked option  burying charcoal in fields (biochar is relatively costly to implement but potentially huge. Along with avoiding the ploughing of fields, which releases carbon, biochar could save 3.4bn tonnes of CO2 a year.

The IPCC chart is a map of climate optimism. It shows we can cut emissions by half by 2030 with options costing at most $100 per tonne, which is a bargain when set against the further damages that climate inaction will inevitably bring.

The solutions – wind, solar, trees, energy saving and methane cuts – require no new technology. But what they do require is a resource heavily lacking so far: the political will to push aside vested interests and rapidly pursue the policies that will work.

[…]

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Japan says G7 welcomes release of Fukushima wastewater, Germany objects via Hankyoreh

Following a meeting of Group of Seven ministers on climate, energy and environment in Sapporo, Hokkaido, Japan, on Sunday Japan’s Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry began speaking while the environmental ministers of Italy and Germany remained seated.

In his remarks, Yasutoshi Nishimura said that the G7 ministers “welcomed the steady progress made toward decommissioning the Fukushima plant, including the discharge of treated water into the sea, and Japan’s transparent response based on scientific evidence.”

In other words, Nishimura was implying that all the G7 ministers had endorsed the Japanese government’s plan to dump the radioactive water stored by the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant into the sea this summer.

But this wasn’t actually the case. Steffi Lemke, Germany’s minister for the environment, nature conservation, nuclear safety, and consumer protection, was quick to protest Nishimura’s claim.

Lemke clarified that while she respected the efforts of TEPCO and the Japanese government after the nuclear accident, Germany cannot welcome the discharge of the contaminated water.

It is highly unusual for such an open objection to be made at a press conference held after a meeting of G7 ministers. But the reason why Lemke had no choice but to speak up, despite potentially damaging the mood, was that Nishimura’s words didn’t match with what the G7 ministers agreed in their joint communiqué published that day.

According to the joint communiqué, the ministers “welcome the steady progress of decommissioning work at the [Daiichi nuclear plant] site and Japan’s transparent efforts with IAEA based on scientific evidence.”

Regarding the contaminated water, the communiqué does not say that the G7 ministers “welcome” the release of the water, but instead says that they “support the IAEA’s independent review to ensure that the discharge of Advanced Liquid Processing System (ALPS) treated water will be conducted consistent with IAEA safety standards and international law and that it will not cause any harm to humans and the environment.”

Nevertheless, it seems that Nishimura tried to conflate statements so as to suggest that the G7 countries were “welcoming” the discharge of the contaminated water. Nishimura ended up having to explain his remarks to reporters after the press conference, saying he had made a “mistake” in phrasing.

But was this really a mistake? The Japanese government had been persistently preparing to include the phrase “welcome the discharge of contaminated water” in the joint statement, taking advantage of its position as the host country. The goal was to use G7 support for its discharge plans as a shield to counter opposition from neighboring countries such as South Korea and China.

Japan even leaked this wording implying support for its plan to local media (Asahi Shimbun’s front page on Feb. 22) and tried to persuade each G7 country for over two months, but ultimately failed.What comes to mind while watching this kind of gaffe is the Yoon Suk-yeol government’s passive and unassertive attitude concerning the dumping of wastewater from Fukushima.

Regarding the joint communiqué, South Korea’s Office for Government Policy Coordination, which is in charge of the country’s response to the contaminated water issue, only stated that “the government must ensure that the treatment of the contaminated water is scientifically and objectively safe and meets international standards.”But, if South Korea’s environment minister had been at that press conference, would she have spoken up to voice her opposition the way Lemke did?

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資源エネルギー庁が原子力規制委所管の法律の改正案を提示 運転期間延長の議論を誘導 本紙情報公開請求 via 東京新聞

原発の60年超運転を可能にするための法制度の見直しを巡り、経済産業省資源エネルギー庁が昨年8月、原子力規制委員会が所管する運転期間を規定した法律の具体的な改正条文案を作成し、規制委側に提示していたことが分かった。本紙の情報公開請求に、エネ庁が開示した。原発を推進する側が、規制側の議論を誘導した実態が鮮明となった。(小野沢健太)

◆「規制のあり方に意見はしていない」

 条文案は昨年8月19日、エネ庁が規制委事務局の原子力規制庁との非公開の面談で提示。原子炉等規制法(炉規法)の運転期間に関する条文を削除し、規制委が認可すれば「経済産業大臣が指定する期間」を延長ができる内容だった。

 今国会で審議中の炉規法改正案には、追加延長の期間などの記載はなく、エネ庁案とは異なってはいる。

 昨年8月の面談では、経産省が所管する電気事業法の条文案も示された。こちらは運転期間の規定を新設するなど、大筋で現在の改正案に沿ったものだった。

 エネ庁原子力政策課の担当者は取材に「運転期間を見直すと、炉規法も改正する必要が出てくるので、参考情報として条文案を示した。規制のあり方に意見はしていない」と説明。規制庁原子力規制企画課の金城慎司課長は「エネ庁の条文案を参考にしたことはなく、独立性に問題はない」と話した。

[…]

改正条文案に先立ち、エネ庁が法改正のイメージ図を規制庁に示したのは、昨年7月28日。岸田文雄首相が原子力政策で「政治決断」が必要な項目の検討を指示した翌日だった。

 その図には、炉規法が定める運転期間の規定を、電気事業法に「引っ越し」させるとある。原子力基本法など複数の法律をまとめて改正する「束ね法案」にすることも明記されていた。国会審議中の改正案の骨格が既にあり、エネ庁が用意周到だったことが明白だ。

 「安全規制が緩んだように見えないことも大事」。エネ庁資料には制度見直しについて、そう記載がある。原子力政策課の担当者は取材に「作成者個人の見解だが、不用意な記載だった」と釈明したが、収束作業が続く東京電力福島第一原発事故の反省が見えない。

 エネ庁に、規制庁は「炉規法の改正は規制委で検討する事項であり、意見する必要はない」と伝えはした。だが規制委の委員5人に報告せぬままエネ庁が描いた絵に沿って制度変更案を検討し、老朽原発の運転制限の規定を自ら手放した。

 原発の運転期間 東京電力福島第一原発事故の反省を受け、2012年に運転開始から「原則40年、最長60年」とする原子炉等規制法改正案が与野党の賛成で成立。政府は昨年末、再稼働審査などで停止した期間を除外し、60年超運転を可能にする方針を決めた。国会審議中の束ね法案では、運転期間の規定は炉規法から削除され、電気事業法で新たに定めた。運転延長の可否や期間は経産相が認可し、規制委は運転開始後30年を起点に10年以内ごとに劣化を審査する。

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「推進と規制の癒着明らか」 資源エネルギー庁と原子力規制委事務局の非公開面談に市民団体が不信感 via 東京新聞

原発の60年超運転を可能にするための法制度の見直しを巡り、経済産業省資源エネルギー庁が昨年8月、原子力規制委員会が所管する運転期間を規定した法律の改正条文案を作成し、規制委事務局に提示していた問題で、NPO法人・原子力資料情報室の松久保肇事務局長は14日、オンラインで記者会見を開き、「推進と規制の癒着が進んでいるのは明らかだ」と批判した。

松久保氏は、東京電力福島第一原発事故の反省から原子力の推進と規制を分離するために規制委が発足した経緯を踏まえ、「推進側が規制に干渉しており、非常に大きな問題。福島事故の反省を忘れている」と指摘した。

 国会で審議中の法改正案は、運転期間の規定を規制委所管の原子炉等規制法から経産省所管の電気事業法に移した。松久保氏は「推進側におもねった形で今後の規制が行われるのではないか」と危惧した。

[…]

(小野沢健太)

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処理水放出「歓迎できない」 独閣僚、西村経産相に指摘 G7会合 via 朝日デジタル(Yahoo! ニュースJapan!)

 主要7カ国(G7)気候・エネルギー・環境相会合は16日、札幌市で2日間の日程を終え、閉幕した。日独伊の閣僚による共同記者会見では、東京電力福島第一原発の処理水をめぐり、ドイツ側から西村康稔経済産業相が指摘を受ける場面もあった。

 会合で採択した共同声明では「廃炉作業の着実な進展とともに、科学的根拠に基づき国際原子力機関(IAEA)とともに行われている日本の透明性のある取組を歓迎する」としたうえで、処理水の海洋放出についてIAEAの安全性の検証を「支持する」という内容だった。  

西村氏は記者会見で「処理水の海洋放出を含む廃炉の着実な進展、そして、科学的根拠に基づく我が国の透明性のある取り組みが歓迎される」と説明。隣で聞いていたドイツのレムケ環境・原子力安全相は「原発事故後、東電や日本政府が努力してきたことには敬意を払う。しかし、処理水の放出を歓迎するということはできない」と反発した。  

西村氏は会見後、報道陣に「私のちょっと言い間違えで、『歓迎』に全部含めてしまった」と釈明。処理水の放出については「IAEAの独立したレビューが支持された」と訂正した。

[…]

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UK ignites new depleted uranium weapons debate via Beyond Nuclear International

Linda Pentz Gunter and Maria Arvaniti Sotiroupoul

On March 21, 2023 Britain confirmed that it was sending depleted uranium (DU) weapons to Ukraine , prompting a response from Russian president, Vladimir Putin, that, “If all this happens, Russia will have to respond accordingly, given that the west collectively is already beginning to use weapons with a nuclear component.”

[…]

Possessing or threatening the use of nuclear weapons is a violation of the human rights that are embedded in the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. The use of depleted uranium weapons is also abhorrent, with compelling, if still somewhat anecdotal, evidence from the wars in the Balkans and Iraq/Kuwait to suggest these toxic exposures cause serious long-term health effects. 

Despite Putin’s thinly veiled threat mount a nuclear response to DU weapons, the International Campaign to Ban Uranium Weapons (ICBUW) points out that this would be disproportionate because “DU projectiles are not nuclear weapons at all, but conventional weapons of high chemical-radiological toxicity and harmfulness.” 

Adds Dr. Frank Boulton of the British IPPNW affiliate, MEDACT: “Much if not most of the toxicity of DU is biological rather than radiological (DU is a heavy metal with biological effects similar to that of lead)”.

The US and NATO used around 980,000 rounds of uranium shells in Iraq and Kuwait, 10,800 in Bosnia31,000 in Kosovo , another 7,000 in S. Serbia and Montenegro, and an unknown number in Afghanistan, while Russia also used such weapons in Chechnya.

The ICBUW quickly spoke out against the export of DU weapons to Ukraine: “The use of DU munitions has been shown to cause widespread and lasting damage to the health of people living in the contaminated area,” the network said in a statement. “Military personnel and those involved in subsequent demining are also exposed to health hazards from DU (remnants). In addition, long-term environmental damage, including groundwater contamination, occurs as a result of DU use.”

Kate Hudson, General Secretary of the long-time British peace and disarmament group Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, also condemned her country’s decision:

“CND has repeatedly called for the UK government to place an immediate moratorium on the use of depleted uranium weapons and to fund long-term studies into their health and environmental impacts,” she said. “Sending them into yet another war zone will not help the people of Ukraine.”

The UK may not be the first country to introduce DU weapons into the current Russia-Ukraine war. In a statement, the ICBUW said that, “According to media reports, Russian forces in Ukraine have also recently received the more modern 3BM60 ‘Svinets-2’ ammunition.” The Guardian reported that “Moscow also has its own Svinets-2 depleted uranium tank shells in its stockpile,” without saying whether or not they had been deployed in Ukraine.

International Humanitarian Law prohibits weapons that cause unnecessary suffering, have indiscriminate effects or cause long-term damage to the natural environment, factors that should apply to outlawing DU weapons.

Several resolutions have been passed in both the UN General Assembly and in the European Parliament calling for a moratorium on the use of DU weapons. The latest such UN resolution was adopted by the General Assembly in 2022. Yet, no treaty regulating — let alone banning — DU weapons exists.

DU is used in weaponry because, due to its high molecular weight, it easily penetrates the steel of armored tanks. Missile-like uranium weapons will pierce any target they hit at 3,600km/h. 

Known as uranium-238, DU is a by-product of the uranium enrichment process needed to produce the fuel for nuclear reactors. It is called ‘depleted’ because it has a lower content of the fissile isotope, uranium-235, than natural uranium. Depleted uranium has a half-life of 4.5 billion years. 

DU is highly toxic, especially when inhaled and can be present in the human body for many years as well as excreted in urine. According to the IPPNW pamphlet — Uranium Weapons. Radioactive Penetrators — “When uranium is inhaled or ingested with foods and beverages, its full pathogenic and lethal effects unfold. On entering the body it is taken up by the blood, which transports it to the organs. It can reach an unborn child via the placenta.” 

The latency period after exposure to uranium-238 before disease manifests can be 5-10 years. However, as with any disease, other factors determine this, including the level of exposure and the individual’s constitution. 

Back in June 2000, the decision by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) not to investigate the NATO bombings of that country, based on the recommendations of the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, was sternly critiqued by Paolo Benvenuti, then Professor of  International Law at the University of Florence and now Professor emeritus of International Law at the University Roma Tre.

On the subject of depleted uranium projectiles he wrote: 

“The assessment concerning arms, in particular of the use of depleted uranium projectiles and cluster bombs, is also disappointing. With regard to the use of depleted uranium projectiles. . . the Committee, after ascertaining that there is no specific ban on their use and that they appear to be dubious weapons, took into consideration the legitimacy of their use from the limited viewpoint of the protection of the environment and, moreover, did so without any serious analysis. 

“Inexplicably, the Committee omits fundamental questions concerning the relevance of other principles governing weapons and their use. In fact, the principle of unnecessary suffering (aimed at protecting combatants) and the principle of distinction (aimed at protecting civilians) should also have been taken into account by the Committee, particularly in view of some fears recently expressed about a ‘Kosovo syndrome’ (similar to the ‘Gulf War Syndrome’).

“This omission is all the more inexplicable because the ICTY’s Statute explicitly extends the jurisdiction of the Tribunal to violations of the laws and customs of war, including the ‘employment of poisonous weapons and other weapons calculated to cause unnecessary suffering.’”

In 2001, the Bar Association of Athens, Marangopoulos Foundation for Human Rights and Union of Greek Judges and Prosecutors for Democracy and Civil Liberties tried one more time, ultimately unsuccessfully, to persuade Carla del Ponte, Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, to investigate and bring indictments against the political and military leaders of NATO for their roles in ordering the use of depleted uranium weapons during the war in Yugoslavia.

Gulf War Syndrome was found among both US and British veterans as well as among populations in Iraq and Kuwait. Given the strong evidence on the ground, and the known health impacts of both the chemical and radiological carcinogens contained within DU, many have drawn what seems like the obvious conclusion: that the use of DU in battle zones has harmed the health of troops and civilians.

However, making the definitive medical connection between DU exposure and illnesses has proven controversial. Medical studies so far have largely not been able to prove a correlation beyond a reasonable medical doubt. Indeed, a significant number suggest that the use of DU does not account for the negative health impacts now found in regions where it was used.

Accordingly, the US State Department continues to insist that “Scientific evidence does not indicate that depleted uranium has affected the health of Gulf War veterans.”

However, writing in the British Medical Journal of August 14, 1999, Malcolm Aitken described a medical conference in London at which presenters said “The incidence of cancer and congenital defects has increased significantly in Iraq after the Allied use of depleted uranium bullets during the Gulf war”.

And the BBC reports that “A study published in the journal Environmental Pollution in 2019 suggests there may be links between the use of depleted uranium weapons and birth defects in Nasiriyah, in Iraq.”

And the ICBUW has compiled an extensive list of such studies, including three new peer-reviewed papers that “illustrate not only acute health risks to humans and the environment but also long-term consequences of contact with DU.”

But caution, rather than the Precautionary Principle, prevails, putting the burden of proof on the victims to show there is harm, rather than the perpetrators to prove that they are not the cause of it.

In a November 2008 study of “Gulf War Illness and the Health of Gulf War Veterans”, for the Veterans Administration, the researchers noted that:

“Of direct concern for Gulf War veterans who continue to carry DU-containing shrapnel fragments in their tissues, New Mexico investigators have found that animals with DU fragments implanted in their muscles develop soft tissue sarcomas at increased rates around those fragments. In addition, rats with embedded DU pellets developed leukemia at a significantly elevated rate after being injected with hematopoietic cells. These studies indicate that continued concerns related to possible carcinogenic effects of DU are warranted, particularly in relation to embedded DU shrapnel fragments, and support continued monitoring of exposed populations.”

[…]

Meanwhile, Al Jazeera reports: “Official Iraqi government statistics show that, prior to the outbreak of the First Gulf War in 1991, the rate of cancer cases in Iraq was 40 out of 100,000 people. By 1995, it had increased to 800 out of 100,000 people, and, by 2005, it had doubled to at least 1,600 out of 100,000 people. Current estimates show the increasing trend continuing.”

In the end, regard for the Precautionary Principle, as well as universal human rights, ought to take precedence when it comes to the deployment of DU weapons. Both Belgium and Costa Rica applied that principle in passing laws prohibiting the use of DU weapons. More countries could — and should — do the same.

As The Nuclear Resister’s Jack Cohen-Joppa wrote during an email discussion on the topic: “The paucity of good research is a challenge for health professionals seeking to quantify impact, but there is enough evidence to warrant a policy forbidding the use of DU.”

The situation in Ukraine creates a double jeopardy. First, the use of DU weapons by the Ukrainian military might provoke the Russians to use nuclear weapons. And second, simply transporting these weapons from Britain and using them on Ukrainian soil will constitute additional radioactive and heavy metal pollution with long-term effects on human health and the European environment.

Taking all of this into consideration, the known risks of DU weapons are already too great to justify their continued use.

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